In
the children's cartoon the Transformers, robotic aliens come to
Earth and disguise themselves as automobiles in an attempt to blend
in with what they had assumed was the dominant form of life on the
planet. Not only was this story a great concept to sell toys, it
also provides a disturbing metaphor of our culture. Perhaps, like
the Transformers' tagline, what's really going on is "more
than meets the eye."
In its brief century of existence, the automobile has been responsible
for the largest transformation to date of both our physical and
mental landscapes. Despite the heavy cost in terms of human fatalities
and environmental degradation, our dependence on the automobile
continues to expand. We are so caught up in car culture, it is difficult
to see beyond it: a plane crash is a "human tragedy,"
while auto accidents are "traffic delays." Philosopher
Lewis Mumford wrote, "For the current American way of life
is founded not just on motor transportation but on the religion
of the motorcar, and the sacrifices that people are prepared to
make for this religion stand outside the realm of rational criticism."1
The car has become synonymous with American culture. Cars are equated
with independence, individuality, and like the old commercial proclaimed,
"It's not just a car, it's your freedom." A case can be
made, however, that it has in fact led to isolationism, dependence,
inconvenience, and conformity.
The
automobile's influence on our physical and mental environment is
nowhere more evident than in Detroit - the Motor City. As the effects
of accidents and pollution are well documented elsewhere, the focus
of this essay shall look instead on less obvious, though no less
consequential effects brought on by the automobile. In this first
installment we shall examine the complex story that led to the car
gaining its prominent position in our culture. In the second half
we shall explore the automobile's profound impact on our way of
life.
Toy
Car Grows Up
The automobile is viewed as an essential aspect of modern life
- an invention that improved people's lives many times over. But
did necessity beget invention or were the roles reversed? Science
historian George Basalla writes that "The automobile was not
developed in response to some grave international horse crisis or
horse shortage. National leaders, influential thinkers, and editorial
writers were not calling for the replacement of the horse, nor were
ordinary citizens anxiously hoping that some inventors would soon
fill a serious societal and personal need for motor transportation."2
Although the automobile began life as a toy for the wealthy, once
it became apparent that profits could be made off of it, it was
marketed as a necessity for modern living.
A
Tangled Web
The
automobile industry made its first coordinated advance in the 1930s
developing a strategy to eliminate other transit competition. Attorney
Bradford Snell charged in his 1974 Senate testimony that, "General
Motors Corporation, along with its coconspirators, had purposefully
sought to destroy electric public transportation systems by forcing
an inferior technology on them - that is, the motor bus."3
General Motors, Standard Oil of California, Firestone Tire, Phillips
Petroleum, and Mack Truck colluded to form front companies like
National City Lines. National City bought out existing city transit
systems, cut services, and converted some of the routes to buses
provided by General Motors. When the systems started underperforming,
they cut more services, raised rates, and continued in this manner
until people's options were but one - the car. In his book, "Motorization
of American Cities," David J. St Clair refers to this as a
"'conversion - for - destruction' thesis, since the conversion
to allegedly inferior motor buses was promoted in order to destroy
one of the automobile's competitors."4
General Motors argued that the people preferred the bus and car,
and the other means just couldn't compete. Is it possible that GM's
motive for entering the bus market was simply to diversify their
income sources?
Not
likely. The rail lines took up a valuable piece of property in the
middle of the streets, real estate that could be used to fill with
cars. The greatest concentration of potential car buyers was in
the cities. In order to reach them, auto interests needed to eliminate
other transportation options and gain access to this property controlled
by the rail lines. The conspirators' argued that people preferred
buses and cars, and that the rail lines couldn't compete financially.
These claims don't hold up. In Jim Klein and Martha Olson's documentary
film, "Taken for a Ride," former transit riders testify
about their enjoyment of the trolleys, the friends they made on
the lines, and the sense of community that existed. In their words,
"you weren't afraid to talk to someone," you could "see
people every day," and it was "the best form of transportation."5
While the public was outraged with the loss of the rails, it was
"impractical to replace after they were gone."6
Despite auto manufacturer' claims, the dominance of the automobile
was not inevitable. A lot of energy had to be expended to prevent
alternatives from surviving. According to the City Planning Commission
in Detroit in 1946, "Your Department of Street Railways has
never viewed a brighter future than that which lies immediately
ahead of us."7 It is
doubtful that this was mere hyperbole, as at that time the Detroit
Department of Street Railways reached what would be the peak of
its ridership and money earned by percentage of population. Transportation
expert Karl Greimel recalls that, "by the late 1960s, he had
seen 17 mass transportation plans for Detroit dating back to 1912."8
Obviously none of these ever materialized beyond some planner's
designs, and the city has suffered greatly for it.
Interstate
Highway Act
The
Federal Interstate Highway Act of 1956 was the second significant
development to ensure the automobile's dominance. At a cost of $50
billion, this was the largest public works program ever enacted.
In the previous decade, individual parties were building highways,
but no national system of planning or financial support had been
put in place.9 As its entire
name reflects, "National System of Interstate and Defense Highways,"
the intended purpose of the Interstates was to unite the nation
and to aid in the defense of the nation in case of evacuation of
the cities. The military wished to keep the highways out of the
cities, stating that fallen tall buildings could permanently shut
down highways in cities, whereas outside the city, less rubble need
be cleared to keep the roads moving. The auto industry came out
against this idea. They were "clearly opposed to keeping the
Interstate System out of urban areas or to emphasizing circumferential
routes."10 The auto
companies wanted the highways to slice right through the downtowns
of all the major cities. In the end, the defense department proved
no match against the juggernaut of the industry that had created
the "Arsenal of Democracy" during World War II and the
highway came to the city.
This in effect meant that taxpayers' money went not so much to
provide for their transportation needs, but to sell more automobiles.
By creating still more road space on which cars could be driven,
the need to buy them could then be reinforced. According to David
J. St. Clair in his book "The Motorization of American Cities",
auto interests declared that the Interstate Highway System had to
be upgraded and expanded, "because it holds the key to the
future of traffic expansion in the United States."11
By cutting roads through cities, the auto industry could finally
reach all the potential customers that they had yet to corner.
In
their book, "Access for All", Schaeffer and Sclar state
a further reason for auto interests to demand highways entering
the cities. They claim that "by the 1940s, all roads had been
drained and graveled and all highways paved."12
They continue to say that no further roads were needed to improve
the system, only basic repair and improvements. The conclusion at
the time was: "If need be, road expenditure could be decreased
for other more urgent public needs."13
This meant a potential loss of money to auto interests. The auto
companies wanted the space, the customers and the money, and with
their lobbying wheels in motion they would not be stopped.
The auto industry spared no effort to ensure the Interstates were
built according to their desires. They accomplished their goals
both by strong lobbying groups and working their people into influential
government posts. The automobile industry formed and ran such lobbying
groups as the Automobile Manufacturers Association (AMA), the Automobile
Safety Foundation (ASF), the National Highway Users Conference (NHUC),
and others. The groups organized highway campaigns, testified on
the value of interstates before Congress, all with the rationale
that while more roads certainly helped their business, the roads
were essential to the growth of the nation. "Legislators were
asked to approve freeways to meet increased traffic, but the estimates
of increased travel were often themselves based upon the availability
of these same urban freeways."14
While this may seem like a powerful force on its own, the industry
also went one step further, to have what David St. Clair describes
as "Personnel Interlocks" in key governmental positions.
As early as World War I, top industry leaders were given chairman
positions in defense, highway, and motor transport positions. This
continued through World War II. These men gave orders under national
defense authority for the automobile manufacturers to expand rapidly
to keep up with war supply needs. Men like Alfred P. Sloan, Jr.
of GM and National City Lines executive I.B. Babcock received influential
appointments. In 1953, just three years before the signing of the
Interstate Act, C.E. Wilson (then president of GM) was appointed
Secretary of Defense. In that same year, Francis Du Pont, who along
with his family owned controlling interest in GM, was named director
of the Bureau of Public Roads.15
The confluence of all of these factors helped shape the Interstate
Act that Eisenhower was to sign in just the manner industry wanted.
The auto companies wanted the space, the customers, and the money,
and with intensive lobbying efforts and well-placed insiders, they
got it all. The rhetoric of uniting a nation, protecting our population,
and catering to our wanderlust came down to this, according to "Open
Road" author Phil Patton: "The Interstates were created
not so much to bind the nation together as to keep things flowing."16
That is traffic flow led to a greater flow of car sales and the
money flowed into the pockets of the auto industry.
Throw
Away Society
Once
the obstacles of getting everyone to own a car were out of the way,
automakers then needed to focus their attention on getting people
to buy new cars more frequently. Money isn't being made if things
aren't being bought and sold. Alfred P. Sloan, then chairman of
GM, introduced the concept of "planned obsolescence" in
the 1920's.17 In order to
increase slumping sales, GM would reinvent their car models each
year with new styles and discontinue manufacturing parts for the
previous models. Effectively this forced people to replace their
automobile more frequently. This strategy saw its peak in the 1950s
and 60s as only around 50 percent of cars remained on the road after
nine years of use as compared to the previous decades' figure of
over 80 percent.18 Planned
obsolescence spread as a marketing technique to most American industries.
In their book "Derelict Landscapes," John A. Jakle and
David Wilson wrote, "Ours is a society of debased products,
from throwaway cameras to throwaway automobiles. The automobile
industry has led the way.
American industry has stopped stressing
durability and quality."19
As a society this has led to the devaluing of craftsmanship and
the growth of mass consumption.
So the car grew to dominance - not out of necessity or individual
preference, but to perpetuate the manufacturing of new cars. Who
benefited from the growth of the car and the interstates? Is this
what the country really wanted? While it is likely people had preferences
for the private car (especially after the alternatives were thinned
out), David St. Clair attempts to clarify that preference. He makes
a point of separating transit methods into different purposes. "I
may strongly prefer an automobile for pleasure drives on weekends,
yet be totally frustrated with "racing" down the freeways
at work at five miles per hour."20
The possibility that the people would have preferred a mixed system
is an option car manufacturers never allowed to happen. As late
as 1945, Detroit City Planning Commissions drafted up plans for
creating a mixed system of rails and freeways. Despite expert recommendations,
it never saw fruition. At a time when our rail system was the best
in the world, people were not demanding more and better highways.
St. Clair cites, "a poll taken after 1956 [that] found that
only 2 percent of the people polled knew what the interstate was."21
These decisions were not made by the public, but by men like General
Motor's executive C.E. Wilson, who once proclaimed, "What's
good for General Motors is good for America."
Perhaps the advantages associated with the automobile would inevitably
have come to a dominant transportation means on its own. It's also
possible that people could have decided on a transportation system
that worked to serve people first, bringing together the best of
all the potential options. This was not to be, however, and we are
stuck with the consequences of living in car nation.
Next time we shall take up the subject of how automobile culture
has had a profound effect on every aspect of our lives. (Click
Here For Part Two.)